A Battle for Rome: Why Europe’s Quiet Contest for the FAO Could Shape Tomorrow’s Dinner Table
Walk the broad avenues that lead to the FAO headquarters in Rome and you can feel history rubbing shoulders with the present. Olive trees rustle under the shadow of imperial walls, pigeons wheel over a marble façade, and inside, a less romantic but far more consequential struggle is unfolding — a diplomatic order-of-battle over who will steer the UN’s food agency at a time when the world’s cupboards look unexpectedly bare.
On paper it’s a simple job: lead an organisation born in 1945 to defeat hunger, malnutrition and food insecurity. In practice, the role of FAO director-general is a geopolitical fulcrum. There are 193 UN voting members who will choose the next leader in July 2027. But before Rome’s assembly hall can seal a choice, Europe is trying — in private and sometimes not-so-private corridors — to unite behind a single nominee. That unity is fraying.
The man in the middle: Phil Hogan
Phil Hogan, once Ireland’s agriculture and later EU trade commissioner, has quietly emerged as the candidate Brussels’ centre-right circles like to whisper about. At 66, Hogan carries the kind of résumé that appeals to both technocrats and donors: years in high-level European office, a command of agricultural policy, and the political instincts honed in Dublin leather-clad debates and Brussels committee rooms.
“He knows how to move in these institutions,” says a Dublin official who has watched Hogan’s outreach across capitals. “People remember experience. They remember who can get things done.”
Hogan’s post-Brussels life has been more mercantile than monastic. After his 2020 resignation he founded a lobbying firm — Hogan Associates — with a client list that reads like a modern economic directory: finance, tech, pharmaceuticals. The firm reported over €1 million turnover in 2024 in the EU transparency register. To some, that background makes him a pragmatic fixer; to others it raises questions about the line between public service and private influence.
Rivals, reasons and the politics of nomination
But Hogan is not running unopposed. Italy has put forward Maurizio Martina, a former agriculture minister who currently sits within FAO’s deputy leadership, while Spain’s pick is veteran minister Luis Planas, a well-known figure around EU ministerial tables. Both candidates have their own maps of alliances.
“This isn’t just about personalities,” an Italian foreign ministry source confides. “It’s about preserving influence. If Rome fields a candidate, it’s to keep a seat at the table — or at least the deputy chair.”
Madrid’s calculation is no less strategic. Spain is a major voluntary donor to FAO and has deep ties with Latin American capitals. “Planas has been cultivating relationships for years,” says a Madrid diplomat. “That matters in elections where personal contacts sway votes.”
And the EU process itself is messy by design. There is an informal convention: member states seek to present a single, united candidate. But that arrangement is not legally binding. Cyprus, which currently holds the EU presidency and is shepherding the selection, has until late May to decide whether to hold a secret indicative vote. A final moment of reckoning is expected at an EU agriculture meeting in Luxembourg in June — though officials increasingly warn that the deadline is perilously slim.
Why this job matters — the stakes beyond personality
This fight is not vanity. It’s about who controls agendas, who sets priorities, and who can defend — or weaponise — international humanitarian responses when politics and food collide.
Consider the numbers. The UN’s state of global food security and nutrition report has painted a grim landscape: hundreds of millions contend with chronic food insecurity; tens of millions of children suffer acute malnutrition. The FAO’s work touches emergency rations and long-term agricultural transformation alike. Whoever sits in the director-general’s chair will be a steward of billions in aid, scientific networks, and norms that shape what farmers plant and how nutrition policies are set in capitals from Kinshasa to Kansas.
Then add geopolitics. Tensions in the Strait of Hormuz have underscored how fragile supply lines are; roughly one-fifth of the world’s urea and ammonia — ingredients for fertilisers that feed modern agriculture — transits those waters. A prolonged closure or disruption could ripple into harvests, markets and prices.
“You don’t realise until your local supermarket has empty shelves how interconnected these systems are,” says Maria, a vegetable vendor in a Dublin market who worries about rising input costs. “It starts with a shipment somewhere else and ends with what you can buy for your family.”
There are also accusations — voiced most forcefully by some EU politicians — that the FAO under the outgoing director-general appeared at times to hew towards a narrow set of geopolitical interests. Critics worry that a UN agency intended to be neutral could be instrumentalised to frustrate sanctions or privilege certain blocs.
What Europe is arguing for — and against
For Brussels, a united European candidate would mean influence: a chance to champion transparency in food markets, to push sustainable agricultural transition, and to resist politicisation. The Cyprus presidency has appealed for coherence, saying the EU’s leading role in global food security requires a single approach.
“It remains of strategic importance for the European Union to move towards a unified approach,” a Cyprus presidency spokesperson told campaigners. “We are trying to be an honest broker.”
Not everyone is convinced that unity is either possible or desirable. Some capitals, especially in Rome and Madrid, view an internal EU agreement as a potential sacrifice of national leverage. They see value in running their own ticket — either out of genuine belief or as bargaining chips to protect national interests elsewhere in the UN system.
Local color and wider currents
Behind the diplomatic communiqués are human rhythms. In Rome, FAO staff talk about the palazzo corridors as if they were rival cafés where alliances brew. In Brussels, Hogan has been courted at conferences on agroecology — an odd stop for someone who once represented corporate clients — and in Dublin the conversation in pubs about the campaign mixes national pride with a sense that Ireland, historically outsized in this corner of multilateralism, might finally reclaim a prized post.
“We’ve had people do very well in Rome from Ireland,” notes an Irish academic who spent years liaising with FAO scientists. “It would be a big moment.”
But the contest also sits at the intersection of larger trends: the creeping fragmentation of multilateralism, the politicisation of humanitarian institutions, and a world where food security is increasingly at the mercy of climate extremes, trade chokepoints and geopolitical rivalry.
So as the EU squabbles quietly in meeting rooms, a simple question hangs in the Mediterranean air: who will be trusted to keep the world fed when politics turns the tap of cooperation down?
That question matters to farmers outside Rome, to aid workers in drought-stricken regions, to consumers at grocery counters, and to diplomats counting votes in dimly lit conference halls. It is, in short, one of those decisions that looks like a bureaucratic shuffle but feels — deeply — like the shaping of futures.
Will Europe find the discipline to act as one, or will national ambition fracture its influence? And beyond Europe, will the next FAO director be able to bridge North–South divides and protect the agency’s mission from becoming a pawn in great-power games?
Those are the negotiations happening now, in backrooms and over lunches, in Brussels, Rome, Madrid and Dublin. The outcome will not just name a person; it will send a signal about who shapes the rules of the table where the world’s food security is decided.
















