Formerly united on climate policy, US and China now at odds

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US and China were once united on climate, no longer
The US and China are among the biggest polluters on the planet

The Sauna at the Door: How Two Superpowers Are Rewriting the Climate Story

Step outside the conference centre in Belém and the air hits you like a warm bath—thick, green, and impossibly humid. The city hangs under a ceiling of clouds and the buzz of insects. Vendors call out in Portuguese; a street cook flips tapioca on a hot griddle. This is the Amazon on a November afternoon, and the heat is doing more than making delegates sweat. It’s reminding them why they are here.

A decade ago, in a cavernous hall in Beijing, two leaders stood shoulder to shoulder and made history. Back then, Barack Obama and Xi Jinping issued a joint call to action that helped unlock the Paris Agreement a year later. It was the kind of diplomatic choreography that suggested the worst of the climate fight could—maybe—be handled by the two biggest emitters.

Fast forward ten years, and that coordinated rhythm has splintered. One of those pillars—voice, finance, or policy—has stepped back. The other has leaned in. The result is a world in which climate diplomacy no longer hums along a bipartisan, transatlantic axis but is being rewritten on new, asymmetric terms.

When Giants Diverge

For a long time global climate leadership depended on the tacit duet between Washington and Beijing. Their combined policies, investments and rhetoric shaped markets, bankrolled research, and gave air cover to smaller nations trying to pivot away from coal and oil.

Then came the years of whiplash. The United States’ withdrawal from the Paris Agreement under President Trump was a headline-grabbing rupture that left many allies shell-shocked. Policies that once nudged the global economy toward renewables were rolled back or openly dismissed. In diplomatic corridors, observers speak candidly about a period when Washington’s tone—skeptical, sometimes hostile—undermined collective momentum.

“It felt like someone had yanked us off the dance floor,” said a veteran climate negotiator from a European delegation. “You can’t get countries to commit if the biggest player treats the whole thing as optional.”

Into that vacuum stepped Beijing. Not overnight—and not without its contradictions—but with a steady, industrial-scale push. China now manufactures more solar panels and wind turbines than any other country, controls much of the global supply chain for lithium-ion batteries and rare earths, and has invested in renewable projects from Southeast Asia to Africa. In recent years Beijing has announced tighter targets, pledged emissions peaking timelines and amplified financing for green infrastructure.

“We are seeing an industrial revolution of a new kind,” a Brazilian climate negotiator told me, wiping sweat from his brow. “You can smell it in the factories—hot metal, transformer oil, and the ozone of machines working on the next generation of turbines.”

On the Ground: People Feeling the Shift

What does this geopolitical shift look like for people on the front lines?

Outside the conference, in a market a few blocks away, an Amazonian fishmonger named Rosa leaned on her crate and said, “The river has changed. Fish are showing up at different times. The seasons used to be our calendar—now we guess.” Her concern is less about strategy than survival; who will fund mangrove restoration, or the small irrigation schemes that keep crops alive during erratic rains?

On a remote Pacific island, a minister—who asked to speak through a translator—put it more bluntly. “We do not have the luxury of waiting for geopolitics to be sorted. Our islands are drowning while capitals debate bravado.”

These are the voices that stress the moral stakes. Small island states and low-lying coastal communities are losing time—literally—every year the global response stagnates.

Numbers That Don’t Bargain

The stakes are not just poetic; they are numeric and unforgiving. Global CO2 emissions from fossil fuels and industry hover around 36 billion tonnes per year according to the Global Carbon Project and the International Energy Agency—numbers that allow no room for complacency. Atmospheric concentrations of CO2 have crossed thresholds not seen in millions of years. And the climate’s tail risks—rapid ice melt, methane releases from thawing permafrost—remain existentially costly and poorly understood.

Renewable energy deployment has accelerated, but unevenly. In many places, solar and wind are now the cheapest sources of new electricity generation; yet the transition is hampered by supply-chain geopolitics, financing gaps and the enormous demand for minerals—lithium, cobalt, nickel—needed for the green tech revolution.

“We used to speak in tons of oil. Now we talk in tons of nickel,’’ said a supply-chain analyst in São Paulo. “Whoever controls these minerals will inherit a lot of leverage.”

Petrostate vs. Electrostate: A New Geopolitics

Observers increasingly frame the geopolitical contest as “petrostate versus electrostate.” Countries that have prospered on fossil-fuel rents find themselves squeezed between short-term revenues and long-term decline. Countries that master renewable manufacturing and mineral processing stand to shape the rules of tomorrow’s energy economy.

“It isn’t just about good will,” said an academic who studies energy transitions. “It’s about factory floors, mining laws, ports and shipping lanes. It’s about which companies get the contracts to build the grids of the future.”

And yet, this competition raises uncomfortable questions. Who pays the social cost of transition in coal towns and oil-dependent economies? How do countries avoid swapping one form of dependency—on fossil-fuel buyers—for another—on foreign financiers and industrial giants who control critical technologies?

Belém’s Reminder and the Road Ahead

At COP30 in Brazil, the rainforest’s edge offers a visceral lesson. Delegates step into the moist air and are confronted by the material stakes of inaction: forests that sequester carbon, rivers that feed millions, communities whose traditional knowledge is keyed to seasonal rhythms. The Amazon’s presence is both warning and resource; how the world treats the basin will reverberate for decades.

“We don’t need speeches that sound good in New York or Beijing,” one Indigenous leader told a packed break-out session. “We need money for protection, respect for our territories and real partnerships.”

Questions Worth Asking

As readers, as citizens, what should we hold our leaders to? How do we balance geopolitical competition with the urgent need for collaboration? Can industrial policy be married to climate justice so that the green transition benefits workers and vulnerable communities, not just shareholders?

These are not rhetorical niceties. They are the hard politics of financing, procurement and diplomacy that will determine whether the next decade is one of managed decline—or managed recovery.

The story unfolding in Belém is not a simple binary of good versus bad actors. It is a messy, human drama of national interests, moral claims, industrial ambitions and ecological limits. It calls for imagination, pressure and the kind of solidarity that remembers the fisherman in Rosa’s market and the minister in the Pacific as equally central to the plot.

So when you hear the soundbites and the polemics, remember to ask: who is there, and who is missing? Who is paying, and who is profiting? The answers will shape not just the outcome of one summit, but the contours of the century.