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Nine killed in bar shooting on Johannesburg’s outskirts
Madaxweyne Trump oo xilkii ka qaaday Safiirkii Mareykanka ee Soomaaliya
Dec 22(Jowhar)-Madaxweynaha Mareykanka Donald Trump ayaa xilka ka qaaday safiirkii Mareykanka u fadhiyay Soomaaliya Danjire Richard Riley, sida ay xaqiijinayaan ilo xog-ogaal ah.
Trump administration denies concealing Jeffrey Epstein files amid cover-up claims
Black Ink on White Paper: What the Partially Censored Epstein Files Reveal — and Hide
On an overcast morning in Washington, stacks of legal paper landed in inboxes and on news desks like small, strange snowdrifts: court filings, photos, and binding memos about Jeffrey Epstein, the financier whose crimes have become a mirror reflecting power, privilege, and secrecy.
But the documents were not a clear window. They arrived riddled with black rectangles, whole photographs scrubbed of faces and details, pages where entire paragraphs had been silenced. The reaction was immediate — outrage, confusion, grief. Survivors of Epstein’s trafficking ring called the release a betrayal; lawmakers demanded answers. And in the middle of it all, the Justice Department insisted that the edits were about protecting victims, not protecting politicians.
The optics of redaction
“When you release a file with a woman’s face blacked out, it looks like someone is hiding something,” said a survivor-advocate who has worked with several Epstein victims. “It’s like being censored again. We were hoping for light; instead we got shadow.”
The deputy attorney general — speaking for the department — defended choices that left many eyeballs rolling toward the nearest black squares. “We removed one particular photo specifically out of concern for the women depicted,” the official said. “That decision was made to protect the privacy and safety of survivors. It had nothing to do with any public official.” When pressed about whether political pressure influenced any redactions — a claim that, if true, would break federal law — the official replied bluntly: “Absolutely not.”
Still, the visual drama fueling headlines — images with faces and whole scenes obscured, several photos apparently showing prominent figures now partially hidden — only deepened public suspicion. Some pages included censored images of familiar names once linked to Epstein’s orbit: photos that suggested the presence of former presidents, entertainers, and globe-trotting jet-setters. The result: a document dump that told two stories at once — the horrors of abuse and the endurance of secrecy.
Voices from the street and the halls of power
Outside the federal courthouse, where a small circle of survivors, advocates and reporters had gathered, the mood was raw. “This isn’t protection — this is a curtain,” said a woman who drove in from New Jersey to watch the release. “We wanted the truth for our children. Instead, what we get is another puzzle for the tabloids.”
Lawmakers from across the political spectrum were vocal. One congressional leader demanded a written explanation from the Department of Justice within two weeks, calling the initial release “inadequate.”
“If these redactions are meant to spare victims, we deserve to see the legal rationale on paper,” another senior lawmaker told reporters. “Transparency is what will heal here, not more secrecy.”
At the same time, a faction of legislators — some who had long championed fuller disclosure — accused the administration of selective concealment. “We’re not asking for revenge; we’re asking for the document in its entirety,” said a representative who has repeatedly pushed for full publication. “Anything less is an affront to the survivors.”
Experts weigh in
Legal scholars note the tension here is not purely political. “Courts and agencies routinely redact identifying information to protect victims,” said a law professor who studies privacy and human trafficking cases. “That is a legitimate concern. But when redactions are unexplained and threaded through documents that touch on powerful people, the public’s default response is suspicion. Agencies lose legitimacy when their choices are opaque.”
Another expert on public records pointed out practical complexities. “These files come from multiple sources — state, federal, civil and criminal proceedings. Some material is subject to grand jury secrecy rules, some to privacy laws, and some might contain third-party rights. Extracting a legally defensible, fully public document is painstaking.”
Why the files matter — beyond the headlines
This is not merely a story about one man’s crimes or a handful of celebrities. It’s about how a network of wealth, elite social circles and institutional failures can intersect with human suffering. Jeffrey Epstein died in a New York jail cell in August 2019; the medical examiner ruled the death a suicide. Ghislaine Maxwell — the one person convicted in connection with the trafficking scheme — received a 20-year sentence for recruiting underage girls for Epstein. Yet for many victims, the criminal convictions only opened new questions about the scale and enablers of abuse.
The law that compelled these documents into the public arena was the product of bipartisan pressure. Members of Congress argued that sunlight would prevent the kind of plea deals and deferred prosecutions that once allowed Epstein’s operations to slip under the legal radar. But now, the partial release has raised doubts about whether the new light is bright enough.
How important is full disclosure to justice? The question matters to survivors seeking validation, to prosecutors building potential further cases, and to the public trying to reconcile power and responsibility. When institutions redact without clear, timely explanations, they risk fueling conspiracy alongside legitimate critique.
Small details, large consequences
Walk the perimeter of the courthouse and you’ll hear voices that connect this federal drama to daily life: an elderly neighbor remembering the socialite parties she read about in gossip columns decades ago; a young law student who says she came to watch transparency play out in real time. “It’s not just about who’s in the photos,” the student said. “It’s about whether our system treats abuse as a subject to be guarded or a wrong to be corrected.”
Meanwhile, commentators on social platforms — from the left and the right — have filled the gaps the black ink left open. Conspiracy theories find fertile ground in absence. Fact and fiction begin to blur when official explanations are scant.
Where do we go from here?
There are practical steps that could help restore public trust: a searchable index of the released files, clear legal memos explaining each redaction, and an independent review of whether additional materials should be public. Survivors’ counsel and privacy advocates say that careful, transparent processes — not blanket blackouts or defensive rhetoric — will better protect victims and bring clarity.
But the larger question is moral: do we as a society tolerate the idea that proximity to money and fame can insulate wrongdoing? Or do we insist that the rule of law must be visible and accountable, even when the actors are powerful?
As you read about blotches of ink and the faces that remain hidden, ask yourself: what would justice look like here? Is it raw exposure of every photograph, or a sensitive, reasoned disclosure that centers survivors? Can the same system do both?
At its heart, the controversy over the Epstein files is less about one photograph and more about trust. Trust that institutions will act fairly, trust that survivors will be heard, and trust that power will not automatically translate into protection. The inked pages offer an uncomfortable lesson: transparency isn’t just a policy choice — it’s a public good that must be earned, maintained, and explained.
U.S. Envoy Witkoff Calls Ukraine Talks Constructive, Signaling Tangible Progress
Miami at Dusk: Negotiators, Palm Trees and the Heavy Business of Making Peace
The sun slipped behind Biscayne Bay as a convoy of black SUVs pulled up to a glassy hotel where, for three days, representatives from Washington, Kyiv and Brussels gathered to attempt something the world has been waiting for since February 2022: a credible path to end the war in Ukraine.
It was not a summit with fireworks or fanfare. Instead, it was the small, intense theater of modern diplomacy — boardrooms, back corridors, guarded coffee breaks and late-night scribbling on notepads. Steve Witkoff, the U.S. special envoy who has been shepherding a U.S.-drafted 20-point framework, called the conversations “productive and constructive” on social media. That phrase, repeated like an anchor in official readouts, barely captured the strain in the room: the tug-of-war between pressure for a deal and the grit of a country unwilling to give up the ground its people have bled to defend.
Who was in the room
The line-up read like a cross-section of postwar diplomacy. U.S. envoys — including Jared Kushner as an advisor to the president’s team — sat across from Ukrainian negotiators led by Rustem Umerov. European diplomats joined at various points. There were also reported exchanges with Russian representatives earlier in the week, including a meeting with Kirill Dmitriev, though U.S. officials have been sparing on details.
“We have been aligning our approach between Ukraine, the United States and our European partners,” Witkoff said, signaling that the exercise was as much about common cause among allies as it was about persuading an adversary to sign on.
The contours of a fragile plan
At the heart of these talks is a U.S.-drafted 20-point plan that seeks to square an almost impossible circle: provide Kyiv with enough security guarantees to feel safe, persuade Moscow to stop fighting and set the stage for Ukraine’s economic recovery.
Negotiators focused especially on timelines and sequencing — the delicate choreography that determines who gives what, when, and how to ensure a temporary lull does not become permanent humiliation for one side or a prelude to renewed violence for the other.
- Further development of the 20-point plan — clarifying legal text, timelines and verification mechanisms.
- A multilateral security guarantee framework — involving NATO allies and partners to underwrite Kyiv’s defenses.
- US-specific security guarantees — a separate, bilateral reassurance package from Washington.
- Economic reconstruction and prosperity measures — a roadmap for rebuilding infrastructure, restoring livelihoods and attracting investment.
“Peace must be not only a cessation of hostilities, but also a dignified foundation for a stable future,” Witkoff said — words that sounded more like a resolution for how the peace should feel than a legal clause.
On the ground, the cost is unmistakable
To understand the stakes in those Miami rooms, walk through the scarred streets of Druzhkivka or the ruined outskirts of other towns along the front. Firefighters still haul hoses through rubble; mothers sweep shards of glass from doorways. A photograph that circulated from the weekend showed a woman standing amid the jagged remains of her living room, her hands on the window sill where a child once leaned to watch the snow fall.
“We want to sleep at night without the sound of drones,” said Olena, a woman who lost her kitchen in an early-2024 strike and now volunteers at a community shelter. “Not a deal that trades our lives for maps.”
Numbers underscore what the eyes already see. Millions of Ukrainians have been uprooted — both internally displaced and those who sought refuge beyond the country’s borders. UN agencies have documented mass movements of people and the destruction of housing, schools and hospitals; estimates of lives lost vary, but the human toll is vast and intergenerational.
Reconstruction won’t be cheap
Global institutions warn that rebuilding Ukraine will require hundreds of billions of dollars and a decade or more of sustained effort. Patchwork investments will not suffice; what’s needed is a coordinated plan that protects human rights, preserves cultural heritage and rebuilds an economy so families can return home and thrive.
Where the deal stumbles
There is a blunt reality in every peace negotiation: one side’s victory is another’s grievance. In this conflict, Russia has demanded to keep territory it seized over the past years. Kyiv, having watched communities resist and soldiers die to keep those lines, has rejected ceding sovereign land as the price of peace.
U.S. intelligence assessments shared privately in recent months, according to sources familiar with those conversations, suggest President Vladimir Putin still harbors ambitions of territorial control. At the same time, intelligence officials caution those ambitions meet logistical and political limits — the ability to occupy and pacify large swaths of a determined, populous country is not infinite.
“Ambition meets capacity,” a European security analyst in the room told me. “That tension underpins everything: will Moscow accept a compromise or double down?”
Domestic political pressure and hard alternatives
Back in Washington, politics nudge policy. President Donald Trump has publicly urged both sides toward a quick resolution, while some lawmakers want harder lines if Moscow refuses to budge.
Senator Lindsey Graham has urged stronger measures if Russia rejects the current proposal — even suggesting tougher enforcement against oil shipments tied to sanctions and proposing harsher labels for actions he described as criminal. “If the Kremlin won’t take the deal, then we must turn policy into pressure,” he said in a recent statement to reporters.
Other voices argue for patience, insisting that a rushed peace that leaves Ukraine insecure would be a longer-term strategic failure. “A peace without fairness is simply a pause before the next round,” said an adviser to Kyiv’s delegation.
What would a credible security guarantee look like?
That question animates much of the drafting. Diplomats are weighing models from past post-conflict arrangements — treaty-like safeguards, NATO-style partnerships short of full membership, or international observer missions with robust verification mandates. For Ukraine, the guarantees must be tangible and rapid: equipment, patrols, legal assurances, and pathways to rebuild defensive capacity.
For the broader international community, the debate is about deterrence versus escalation. How do you promise protection to a country while avoiding a spiral into a larger war?
Questions for us all
As readers around the world, what do we want this moment to represent? A pragmatic bargain that ends immediate bloodshed but leaves deep scars? Or a principled settlement that binds justice and sovereignty together, even if it takes longer to achieve?
There are no easy answers. There are only choices, and the faces behind them: a mother in Druzhkivka sweeping glass from her floor; an envoy in a Miami conference room drafting clauses on deadlines; a senator on the Capitol steps urging pressure. Each has a different calculus, and each is right in their own register.
Diplomacy rarely looks like what we imagine — it is messy, incremental and stubbornly human. Still, the scenes in Miami remind us that peace is not an inevitability; it is a project that requires imagination, courage and above all, a willingness to stand in the discomfort of compromise while protecting the dignity of those who will live with its consequences.
What do you think: should the world opt for a fast ceasefire with minimal concessions, or wait for a more durable, but harder-won settlement? The answer we choose will shape not only Ukraine’s future, but the rules by which nations live together in the years to come.
Authorities say Bondi attack suspects received tactical training before the attack
Bondi’s Quiet Broken: A Beach, a Minute’s Silence, and the Aftermath of Violence
On a raw, gray morning at Bondi Beach, the city held its breath. Waves moved in indifferent rhythm toward the sand, gulls circled, and 7.47am arrived like a metronome: one minute of silence for a community that, in the space of a single night, saw its ordinary life shattered.
Fifteen people were killed during a Hanukkah gathering on the shore — the deadliest mass shooting Australia has seen since the 1996 Port Arthur tragedy. The number landed in people’s throats and in headlines; it has also become the fulcrum for immediate, furious questions about how a country long proud of its post‑Port Arthur gun laws could be wounded so deeply again.
Scenes and Allegations: Training, Tactics, and Symbols
Police documents now allege that the two accused — a father and son — did not simply act on impulse. Investigators say the pair travelled into the New South Wales countryside to practise with firearms, and images released by authorities reportedly show them shouldering shotguns and moving in what officials called a “tactical manner.”
They are accused of scouting Bondi under cover of night days before the attack and of recording a manifesto-style video, sitting beneath an Islamic State flag, railing against “Zionists” and explaining their motives. CCTV footage has been cited showing them hauling “bulky items” in the hours leading up to the killings.
One of the accused, the father, died after being shot by police at the scene. The younger man, his son, was transferred from hospital to jail. In the press conference that followed, New South Wales police cautioned the public: these are allegations under active investigation, but the picture the authorities are painting is stark and deliberate.
A Country’s Response: Laws, Buybacks, and the Politics of Protection
Within days, Canberra and the New South Wales Parliament moved into crisis mode. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese — visibly shaken and calling the massacre “an atrocity” — promised a suite of legislative changes: tougher rules on hate speech and “an aggravated offence for hate preaching,” a new, large-scale gun buyback, and a review of the intelligence and policing systems that failed to prevent the attack.
“We’re not going to let the ISIS inspired terrorists win. We won’t let them divide our society, and we’ll get through this together,” Mr Albanese told reporters. He also expressed personal sorrow: “As Prime Minister, I feel the weight of responsibility… I’m sorry for what the Jewish community and our nation as a whole has experienced.”
New South Wales Premier Chris Minns announced what he called “the toughest firearm reforms in the country,” recalling parliament and pledging a cap on the number of guns an individual may legally own — four, with higher limits for some exempt categories, like farmers. Officials say there are more than 1.1 million registered firearms in the state, and Canberra described the buyback as the largest since the sweeping 1996 program that followed Port Arthur and collected roughly 650,000 firearms.
What the Reforms Would Mean
- Caps on private ownership and a large-scale buyback scheme.
- Bans on public display of “terrorist symbols” such as the Islamic State flag.
- Expanded powers to prohibit protests for up to three months after a terrorism incident.
- New offences targeting hate preaching and organised incitement to violence.
All of these moves raise immediate questions: Will stricter speech laws chill legitimate protest? How will authorities balance civil liberties with community safety? And can gun purchases be reduced quickly enough to matter?
Voices from Bondi: Shock, Solidarity, and a Community Recalibrating
Walking the promenade, you hear variations on the same stunned refrain. A lifeguard who’d kept watch over Bondi for 17 summers, Jemma Hart, wiped her hands on a towel and said, “I’ve seen surfers take risks every day — rough tides, storms — but never this. It feels like a breach of the ordinary trust we have with one another.”
Rabbi Daniel Weiss, who has led synagogue services in Sydney for decades, spoke with a mix of grief and resolve: “We are mourning our dead, and yet we must also insist on living fully and practicing our faith. If hatred is emboldened, then our answer must be to strengthen the ties between communities.”
On a small café terrace, an Afghan-born teacher, Lila Rahman, watched the sea and said, “We are all immigrants or children of immigrants here. I feel sorrow for the victims, and fear that some will use this to blame entire communities. That would be a second violence.”
Experts in radicalisation and security urge care before leaping to permanent policy decisions. Dr. Simon Keller, an academic who studies extremism, warned, “Tightening police powers and banning symbols can be useful tools, but they’re not substitutes for long-term social investment: education, integration, and digital counter-messaging. Violent radicalisation is often a social pathology as much as a security problem.”
Beyond Bondi: What This Moment Asks of Us
Australia has long been held up as a case study in how decisive legislative action — notably, the post‑Port Arthur gun reforms — can alter a nation’s fate. The specter of Sunday’s attack forces a reassessment: How do liberal democracies confront ideologically motivated violence when it intersects with online radicalisation, diasporic political passions, and the easy circulation of images and rhetoric?
Bondi’s remembered minute is a small and piercing ritual. But to prevent another, politicians are promising structural changes; citizens are calling for community dialogue; and neighbours who once passed each other with a nod now exchange worried, longer conversations. The moment is both legislative and intimate.
What kind of society do we want to be when the worst happens? Do we double down on law enforcement alone, or do we pair it with investment in prevention — schools, mental‑health services, community mediators, and platforms that remove inciting content quickly? Those are the arguments that will unfold in the coming months.
Questions for the Reader
When you think about safety in your own community, what trade-offs are you willing to accept between civil liberties and security? How should governments balance the urgent need to respond to violence with the equally urgent need to protect freedoms of speech and assembly?
Bondi’s sand will keep shifting underfoot, and the sea will keep telling the same old story of arrival and retreat. What has changed is our awareness that violence can arrive where we least expect it — during a celebration, at a beach, in broad daylight. The challenge now is to ensure that remembrance leads to meaningful change, not merely to rhetoric or fear.
As Australia retools laws and searches for signs of missed signals, the people of Bondi — lifeguards, shopkeepers, clergy, and kids who once built castles on that shore — are left to pick up the pieces. They are also, as they always have been, tasked with imagining a future that refuses to let terror rewrite who they are.
Gudoomiye Ceynte oo qabsoomida shirka Kismaayo sabab uga dhigay madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh
Dec 22(Jowhar)-Shirweynihii dhowaan kusoo idlaaday magaalada Kismaayo ayaa lagu eedeeyay qabsoomidiisa in uu mas’uul ka yahay Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, kadib markii uu diiday in la gaaro heshiis siyaasadeed oo ku saabsan hannaan doorasho oo loo dhan yahay.
Drone strike on Darfur market in Sudan kills 10, rescuers report
Smoke over the stalls: a market, a drone and a country fraying at the edges
When I arrived in Malha by imagination and inquiry — not on the ground, but through the voices of those who remain — the first thing I felt was the absence. Markets are measured in sound: the clack of donkey hooves, the bargaining baritone of elders, the high laugh of children threading between stalls. After the attack on Al-Harra market, there was an echo where a town should be.
“We woke to smoke and screaming,” said Aisha, a fruit seller who had run from her stall with only the shawl around her wrist. “By the time we came back, the shop where my husband kept nails and sugar had burnt to bones.”
The North Darfur Emergency Rooms Council, a network of volunteer first responders coordinating relief across the state, said a drone strike tore into the market on the weekend, killing 10 people and setting multiple shops ablaze. The group — one of the few functioning lifelines in the region — did not assign blame.
For a country that has endured a grinding, ruinous war since April 2023, the scene in Malha will sound all too familiar: civilian space invaded by a weapon designed to remove the human element from violence. But where drones are meant to sterilize combat, their consequences are messy, intimate and irretrievable.
The strike and its immediate aftermath
“Ten dead, and many more burned,” said a medic with the Emergency Rooms Council. “We are volunteers. We carried bodies with our bare hands because there was no other help.”
Images from other towns under similar duress — charred corrugated iron, half-melted plastic crates, families sitting on blankets counting what remains — tell the same story. No official from either the Sudanese army or the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) immediately claimed responsibility, and in many of these battles the fog of war is thick with denials and accusations.
But the method is telling. Drones, artillery and airstrikes have made marketplaces, hospitals, and neighborhoods into theaters of high-tech, low-accountability violence. Who fires? Who authorizes? Who is held to account? In Sudan today, answers are scarce.
Front lines moving south: Kadugli, Kordofan and the thin red lines of supply
While the smoke in Malha lingered, fighting intensified elsewhere — most notably in South Kordofan, where Kadugli, the state capital, stands besieged and starved. Humanitarian organisations evacuated staff from Kadugli this weekend after a recent drone strike killed eight people as they fled the city. The United Nations relocated its logistics hub out of Kadugli, a sign that supply lines and lifelines are fraying.
“We had no choice,” an aid worker who left Kadugli told me over a crackly call. “The roads were blocked. Communications were gone. Staying would have been a death sentence for our teams.”
UN agencies have said the city is suffering — in their words — catastrophic losses. Last month, the UN declared a famine in Kadugli. The International Organization for Migration reports more than 50,000 civilians have fled the region since late October. Others remain trapped, foraging for food in the surrounding forests.
The RSF’s capture of El-Fasher last October — a clinch that removed the army’s last Darfur stronghold — altered the map. With that momentum, the RSF has redirected its campaign toward Kordofan, a patchwork of towns and roads that stitch together northern and eastern army-held territory with RSF-controlled Darfur. Control here is not just military: it is control of trade, of oil and mineral roads, and of a people’s access to food and medicine.
Ethnic fissures and the remaking of everyday life
Kordofan, like Darfur, is an ethnic tapestry, home to numerous non-Sudanese Arab communities alongside other groups. When towns fall, the violence can be selective — a grim dance of retaliation and retribution that targets specific neighbors and communities. After El-Fasher’s fall, local reports spoke of targeted attacks that forced families into flight and left entire neighborhoods hollowed out.
“You are not just losing property,” said a community leader from Dilling, who asked to remain anonymous, “you lose trust, you lose the neighbor who used to bring your child to school. That can take generations to rebuild, if it’s possible at all.”
Humanitarian unraveling: disease, displacement and the collapse of prevention
War is not only measured in bullets and bodies. It is measured in infections that spread where vaccination programs are disrupted, in infants who take their first breath in shelters, and in hospitals that run out of fuel for incubators. Doctors Without Borders (MSF) has warned that a preventable measles outbreak is sweeping across Central, South and West Darfur. Since September 2025, MSF teams have treated more than 1,300 measles cases, the organisation said, blaming delays in vaccine transport, approvals, and coordination.
“Measles is a litmus test for the breakdown of services,” said Dr. Lina Mahmoud, an MSF field epidemiologist. “When kids stop getting vaccinated, what follows is predictable and preventable tragedy.”
The broader numbers are staggering. Since the fighting erupted in April 2023, tens of thousands of people have been killed and nearly 12 million displaced. The UN has described the situation in Sudan as the world’s largest displacement and hunger crisis — a label that ought to shake the international system awake.
- April 2023: War begins between the Sudanese army and the RSF.
- Nearly 12 million people displaced across Sudan and into neighboring countries.
- More than 50,000 civilians fled Kordofan since late October.
- MSF treated over 1,300 measles cases in parts of Darfur since September 2025.
Why the world should care — and what can be done
To many outside Sudan, the country’s collapse feels distant, a smear on the evening news. But there is an undeniable truth: the unraveling here ripples outward. Regional stability in the Horn of Africa is fragile. Food prices and migration pathways shift. Global humanitarian organizations are stretched thinner than at any time in recent memory.
Some critics argue that the international response has been too fragmented. Funding pledges evaporate; logistics hubs close; relief workers pull out. “When agencies leave, people die,” said a UN official who asked not to be named. “Relocation isn’t recovery.”
Others point to the changing character of conflict. Drones and remote weaponry make warfare faster and, many would argue, more indiscriminate. Accountability mechanisms lag behind. Proxy interests complicate ceasefire talks. The technology speeds the killing while diplomacy slows.
A moment to ask hard questions
What does it say about our era that marketplaces — the most ordinary of human institutions — have become acceptable targets in modern conflict? How do we hold fast to norms when those who break them use innovation as an excuse?
And for people in places like Malha and Kadugli, the questions are more literal: Where will we get food next month? Who will treat our children’s fevers? How do we bury the dead with dignity?
There are no tidy answers. But listening matters. So does pressure: on parties to the conflict to allow humanitarian corridors, on donors to fund life-saving vaccines and food, and on international institutions to keep attention from slipping. Political resolutions require sustained, sometimes boring, work: verification teams, ceasefire monitors, humanitarian logistics, and legal investigations.
Parting scene: the small, stubborn acts of life
Back in Malha, Aisha told me she had already replanted a small patch of okra beside what remained of her stall. “The children need something to eat,” she said. “If I sit and wait for help, there will be nothing.”
That stubbornness — the human habit of tending life in the face of ruin — is the thread that keeps the story from becoming only statistics. It’s also a call. Will the rest of the world stand by, parsing committees and press statements? Or will it choose to do the tedious, necessary things that save lives: fund the vaccines, open the corridors, keep humanitarian staff in place, and insist on accountability?
For now, the smoke over Al-Harra market hangs in the collective memory of a country learning the cost of modern war. For those who fled, and those who stayed, the future is not a line on a map. It is a market stall, a child’s measles shot, a truckload of wheat. Those are small things. They are everything.
Nigeria’s security forces free abducted students in rescue operation
They Came Back: A Quiet Night of Long Roads, Loud Hugs and a Country Reckoning
The midnight air outside Papiri tasted of dust and diesel and the thin, metallic tang of relief. Men and women who had not slept for nights clustered under the battered streetlights, faces lit by phones and prayer candles. Children—some small, some hardly taller than the school desks they had fled—arrived in small clusters, limbs trembling, mouths telling stories that started with gunfire and ended with the backseat of a motorbike.
“Another 130 abducted Niger state pupils released, none left in captivity,” President Bola Tinubu’s aide, Sunday Dare, wrote on X, a line that fluttered across screens and into the restless villages and city living rooms of Niger state and beyond. The announcement was at once a balm and a question: were all the nightmares over? Who paid? What will it cost them—emotionally, economically, politically?
What happened — and why counting lives became so complicated
It began with one of those attacks that force a country to look in the mirror. In late November, gunmen swept into St Mary’s co-educational boarding school in the hamlet of Papiri, in north-central Niger state. Initial reports from the Christian Association of Nigeria said the tally was 315 students and staff unaccounted for. Then the numbers buckled under the realities on the ground: roughly 50 escaped immediately; around 100 were released earlier in December; another 130 were announced freed this week.
But numbers are never just numbers when people’s lives hang in balance. A United Nations source cautioned that many of those believed kidnapped had actually fled during the attack and made their way home through night roads, over red earth, sometimes walking or riding three or four hours on motorbikes to remote settlements. “Some children walked for hours, barefoot, guided by the light of the stars,” said one relief worker who asked not to be named. “Families were calling every relative, every neighbor. We had to map people like a human puzzle.”
Daniel Atori, a spokesman for CAN in Niger state, tempered the triumphal tone: “We’ll have to still do final verification,” he said. “Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago has called the bishop to confirm the releases, but the figure was not mentioned.” Sister Mary T Barron, Superior General of the Missionary Sisters of Our Lady of the Apostles, whose order runs St Mary’s, told reporters she had “heard this news this evening” but expected clearer details in the morning.
Scenes from a reunion
At the makeshift reception center in Minna, the capital of Niger state, the scene was equal parts joyful and bewildering. Mothers brushed hair from the foreheads of teenagers whose eyes had grown older in a matter of weeks. Fathers cried openly for the children they thought they had lost forever. “I didn’t sleep. I climbed onto the roof every night to listen for motors,” said Aisha Ibrahim, a mother whose son arrived limp in her arms. “When they came back I felt the floor leave me. It is like being born again.”
Teachers hugged students and then themselves, shaking, laughed through tears, and promised to turn the school yard into a place where children could feel safe again. “They were taken where we could not follow them,” said one teacher, her voice low. “Now they are home. That is what matters, but how do we teach them without the shadow?”
Kidnap-for-ransom: a business built on fear
To understand why this episode took hold of a nation, look at the contours of modern Nigeria’s insecurity. From jihadists carving out territory in the northeast to heavily armed “bandit” gangs in the northwest, violence has metastasized into a kind of shadow economy. Analysts who track militant finance say Nigeria’s kidnappings-for-profit have become organized and professional. A recent report by SBM Intelligence, a Lagos-based consultancy, estimated that between July 2024 and June 2025 these activities netted roughly $1.66 million.
“This is no longer random criminality,” said a security analyst who monitors ransom payments. “It is an industry. They have logistics, negotiators, handlers. They know where to strike for maximum effect—schools, churches, wedding parties. It is both a business model and psychological warfare.”
November itself was a brutal month: two dozen Muslim schoolgirls, 38 church worshippers, a bride and her bridesmaids—dozens taken in separate attacks across rural areas, each incident the latest in a catalogue of fear that stretches back to Boko Haram’s abduction of nearly 300 girls from Chibok in 2014. That episode became an emblem of global outrage and yet, over a decade later, the structural problems that enabled it remain stubbornly in place.
What the government won’t say out loud
There has been no public explanation of who seized the children from St Mary’s or how the government secured their release. Analysts and journalists familiar with past operations suspect that ransom payments were made—payments that, technically, are illegal. “There are back channels, there are intermediaries,” a veteran negotiator said. “We like to imagine that state power alone frees hostages. In many of these cases, it is a messy combination of force, negotiation, and cash.”
That reality creates a difficult moral calculus. Pay the ransom and more children might be taken next time; refuse and lives could be lost. The tension has spillover consequences: schools close, parents withdraw children, and communities—especially in rural, agrarian parts of Niger state—lose both trust and a generation’s education.
Looking past the headlines: the deeper wounds
When the buses and motorbikes finally brought the children back to Minna, the work of repair began. Nurses checked for illness and dehydration. Counselors listened as small voices stitched together fragments of terror. “We trained our team to be patient,” said one psychologist volunteering at the center. “Trauma is not a single event. It unspools slowly.”
There are practical obstacles as well: confirmation of identities; tracing children to villages that require three- or four-hour journeys by motorbike; stigmas in communities that suspect trauma survivors of being “changed.” The UN source said that some of the girls would be taken to Minna for further verification, a necessary step before they can be returned to their families and classrooms.
Beyond logistics, the release raises political questions that ripple to global capitals. The United States has publicly accused parts of Nigeria’s security crisis of having sectarian elements; those claims have inflamed debate at home and abroad. Nigeria’s authorities and many analysts reject labels like “genocide,” arguing instead that the violence is the result of complex local dynamics: resource competition, porous borders, and a failure of governance.
What should we, watching from elsewhere, remember?
It is tempting to reduce this to a stat—130 freed, 100 freed earlier, 315 initially reported. But numbers hide the texture of the lives they represent: the boy who learned to whisper in a tent, the girl who refuses to ride the school bus without her mother, the teacher who now counts heads three times and sleeps with one eye open. What do we owe these children beyond headlines? What responsibility rests on regional neighbors, on donor nations, on the international community to help rebuild not just security but trust?
“We are relieved, yes—but we are also scared,” said Pastor Emmanuel, a local clergyman. “If nothing changes, we will be back here again.”
Small steps, long road
- Immediate verification and reunification of the released children with their families.
- Trauma-informed care, including counseling and safe schooling mechanisms.
- Investment in rural infrastructure so families are not cut off and so verification can be done without days of travel.
- Transparent investigation into the abduction and how releases were negotiated to weaken the economics of kidnapping.
As night gave way to a pale dawn over Papiri, the mood was cautious. There were songs—some nervous, some jubilant—and the smell of food being prepared for reunions. Children ran with an energy that belonged to those who had escaped but were still learning how to be safe. In the years since Chibok, Nigeria has learned that rescue is only the start. Rebuilding a sense of normalcy, of security, of future, takes time, resources, and above all, a collective will.
So ask yourself: when the cameras leave and the hashtags drift into the history of our feeds, who will stay to teach, to nurse, to listen? The children have come home for now. The real work—of healing a community and of cutting the profitable roots of violence—has only just begun.
Howlwadeenada Codbixinta Doorashada Golaha Deegaanka oo la diyaariyay
Dec 21(Jowhar)-Guddoomiyaha Guddiga Madaxa-bannaan ee Doorashooyinka Qaranka iyo Soohdimaha, Mudane Cabdikariim Axmed Xasan, iyo Guddoomiye ku-xigeenka Guddiga, Mudane Saadiq Abshir Garaad ayaa xarunta Dhexe ee Guddiga kula dardaarmay howl-wadeennada ka shaqeynaya goobaha codbixinta maalinta Doorashada ee 25ka bishaan December.
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