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Akhriso;Bayaan ka soo baxay Guddiga Qaran ee Xuquuqul Insaanka iyo Khilaafka Guddiga oo sare u kacay

Feb 15(Jowhar)-Qaar ka mid ah xubnaha Guddiga Madaxa-Bannaan ee Xuquuqul Insaanka Qaranka ayaa soo saaray bayaan walaac muujinaya oo ku saabsan tallaabooyin ay sheegeen in ay ka hor imanayaan sharciga iyo xeerarka u degsan guddiga.

Four months after ceasefire, Gaza civilians continue to die

Four months on from ceasefire, Gazans still being killed
Food shortages in Gaza continue, despite the opening of the Rafah crossing

Four months after the ceasefire: Peace on paper, rubble on the ground

There is a strange, brittle quiet in the streets of Gaza that sounds like a promise someone has already broken. Shop shutters hang open; where paint once brightened facades there are layers of ash. Children dart between piles of rebar and smashed concrete, their laughter a thin reed of normalcy in a landscape that insists otherwise.

Four months ago diplomats signed a ceasefire and declared an end to open hostilities. On the world stage the moment was framed as a turning point—an end to the relentless cycle of bombardment and counterattack. But down at ground level the story has not ended with a handshake. The ceasefire, many here say, has the look of a truce on paper and a war in practice.

Violence persists: pockets of fury, a cascade of suffering

The United Nations and aid groups have tracked a grim ledger since the truce: more than 570 Palestinians killed and roughly 1,500 injured in the months that followed the ceasefire. Among the dead were at least 108 children and 67 women, according to UN estimates. Explosive remnants of war continue to take victims—33 explosive ordnance incidents have been reported, leaving nine dead and 65 injured.

“You could tell people there was a ceasefire. They might believe it,” said a UN protection officer speaking from Amman. “But belief doesn’t mend bones, it doesn’t put bread on the table, and it doesn’t keep a child from being killed by remnants of yesterday’s bombs.”

Some attacks have occurred close to the so-called “yellow line”—the narrow boundary where Israeli forces agreed to pull back. Others have struck much deeper into the enclave. A UN spokesman recently told reporters that the past 24 hours had seen renewed airstrikes, shelling and naval fire, including in residential neighborhoods where civilians shelter. Two Palestinians on bicycles were killed in a drone strike in a single day; for many families, that imagery has become unbearably familiar.

Humanitarian winter: food, fuel and faith running thin

For the people living here, the immediate reality is less geopolitical theory and more daily survival. Winter has arrived on already fragile supplies. Humanitarian agencies describe conditions inside the enclave as “hanging by a thread”—food rations run low, medical supplies are insufficient and clean water is scarce. The opening of the Rafah Crossing to Egypt allowed some medical evacuations and family reunions, but did not change the broader calculus of shortages.

“We queue for bread and then wait again for water,” said Aisha, a mother of three who asked to be identified by a single name. “My children went to sleep in a room that smells like smoke. What peace is this, when you have to choose which child gets medicine?”

Beyond food and medicine, much of Gaza lies in ruins. Nearly 80% of buildings were damaged or destroyed over the course of the bombardment. Homes, schools, clinics—structures that once anchored daily life—now exist as blackened skeletons. Rebuilding will not be about reassembling bricks; it will be about restoring dignity and a sense of future that has been systematically eroded.

Politics in the palimpsest: reconstruction, control and competing blueprints

On the international stage, plans for Gaza’s recovery have taken a theatrical turn. A global “Board of Peace”—an umbrella body that promises to marshal funding, expertise and political support for reconstruction—has been presented with great pomp. Its advocates speak of “New Gaza” and “investment opportunities.” Yet several analysts and regional experts warn that the structure is shoddy, with overlapping committees, opaque lines of responsibility and no clear consensus on who enforces the rules or who will commit boots—or cash—on the ground.

“A plan without implementation is a brochure,” said Lina Haddad, a humanitarian analyst based in Beirut. “You can show beautiful maps and investor slides, but if you do not secure a political settlement, if you do not protect civilians and ensure humanitarian corridors, you are inviting a costly, hollow exercise in optics.”

One of the thorniest ingredients of Phase 2 of the deal is disarmament—how, if at all, weapons held by non-state actors will be addressed. Reports suggest elements within the Israeli military contemplate new operations to neutralize militant capabilities, while militant factions insist they will not disarm as a condition of a reset they distrust.

The West Bank: simmering unrest far from the headlines

If Gaza’s ruins are visible and visceral, the pressure cooker in the West Bank is quieter but no less dangerous. Settler violence and eviction orders have tightened the space for Palestinians, and last weekend’s announcement of new administrative measures to expand Israeli control over parts of the West Bank has been called a “de facto annexation” by Palestinian officials and condemned by much of the international community.

“The West Bank is at a boiling point and it is not getting the attention it deserves,” said a regional UN rights monitor. “That is a recipe for spillover that will be very hard to contain.”

In recent months, UN reporting has also documented at least 80 killings attributed to intra-Palestinian violence, including summary executions and feuds—troubling signs of the breakdown of rule of law in the absence of a functioning civil order.

Who will rebuild, who will protect—and who will pay?

Leaders at Davos and ministers in conference halls may speak of reconstruction as an opportunity for investors. Several countries, from Indonesia to Egypt and Turkey, have publicly discussed roles in a proposed international stabilisation force; Indonesia reportedly considered pledging troops for a force of several thousand. But questions remain: who pays for soldiers’ mandates, who provides equipment, and who ensures impartiality in a terrain of competing loyalties?

“You cannot parachute in peacekeepers and then walk away,” said a former UN peace operations adviser. “A mission needs a clear mandate, resources to protect civilians and a plan for long-term governance that Palestinians themselves can own.”

What does this mean for the two-state reality?

The broader political horizon—whether a two-state solution remains achievable—casts a long shadow. New settlement measures, declarations by hardline politicians, and administrative changes in the West Bank all feed a perception among Palestinians and many foreign governments that the path to an independent state is narrowing.

Can the world hold its moral attention long enough to shepherd a durable political settlement? Or are we watching the slow collapse of international norms where occupation, settlement expansion and administrative decrees quietly remap a people’s future?

What readers can take away

  • Human cost: The UN records hundreds of deaths and injuries since the ceasefire, with children and women among the casualties.
  • Material devastation: Roughly 80% of buildings in Gaza were destroyed or damaged during the recent wave of violence.
  • Political uncertainty: Reconstruction plans are under debate, but responsibilities and funding remain unclear, while the West Bank edges toward further administrative changes.

Looking ahead: questions, choices, responsibilities

Ask yourself: when the cameras leave and the headlines move on, who will stay to pick up the pieces? Reconstruction, resettlement and reconciliation are not just engineering problems; they are political projects that require trust, transparency and time—three things that are in short supply.

People on the ground talk about more than aid shipments and blueprints. They speak of schools that need to reopen, of olive trees that must be replanted for future harvests, of the legal protections families require to keep their homes. “We want to sleep without hearing planes,” said Rami, a teacher who distributes learning packets from a tent classroom. “Is that too much to ask?”

There are no easy answers. But the alternative—abandonment, incremental dispossession and cycles of violence—asks every member of the international community a different question: will you be a witness, or will you be a partner in a real, hard, often thankless project of rebuilding lives and institutions?

For now, the truce is fragile, the rubble is real, and the people—so often reduced to statistics—keep living, hoping and asking for the basics: protection, dignity and a future. That, perhaps, is the clearest measure of whether we are truly at peace.

Kaja Kallas rejects claims of Europe’s cultural erasure

'Europe not facing civilisational erasure,' says Kallas
Kaja Kallas was speaking on the last day of the Munich Security Conference

Munich in February: Where Old Alliances Meet New Fault Lines

The city smelled of strong coffee and exhaust — a bitter, familiar perfume these conference weeks — as hundreds of delegates streamed through the glass doors of the Munich Security Conference. Outside, the Bavarian winter bit at the cheeks of delegates hustling between meetings; inside, the conversations were hotter than the spiced wine that warmed the nearby Christmas market a month earlier.

What played out across those heated rooms was not just diplomacy. It felt like a reckoning: a conversation about who Europe can trust, what “strategic autonomy” actually looks like, and whether a continent that once leaned on American muscle can truly stand on its own two feet.

Pushback, Not Panic: Europe Responds to a Changing Transatlantic Script

EU foreign policy leaders arrived with a crisp, pointed message: Europe is not a museum piece to be pitied or lectured. That sentiment — equal parts defiance and pragmatism — threaded through speeches and private briefings.

Kaja Kallas, the EU’s high-profile foreign affairs representative, used the Munich stage to shrug off what she called gratuitous “Europe-bashing” from across the Atlantic. The subtext was clear: jibes about a “woke, decadent” Europe do not sit well when the continent is racing to arm itself and shelter millions displaced by conflict.

“We are not begging for approval,” one senior EU official told me after a session. “We are recalibrating. If the world is changing, so must our posture.”

Not all voices harmonised

On the other side of the podium, American officials were reassuring — and sharp. One high-ranking U.S. diplomat reminded the audience that the United States and Europe share deep historical ties and intertwined security interests. But that olive branch came with a caveat: migration and cultural anxieties remain central to political calculations in Washington.

The result was a strange duet. A declaration of mutual belonging, and a tug-of-war over who should carry what weight in the years ahead.

Ukraine: The Linchpin of European Defence

Conversations kept circling back to one cornerstone: Ukraine. For many European leaders, how the war ends in Kyiv matters more than any rhetoric from Washington. Ukraine is the proving ground of European defence policy — the place where Europe’s words about autonomy either ring true or fall hollow.

“Support for Ukraine is not an abstract moral duty,” said a Brussels-based defence analyst. “It’s the mechanism by which Europe tests and accelerates its own defence capabilities.”

Across halls and café tables, there was a shared anxiety: if Russia walks away from talks with more than it seized on the battlefield, the diplomatic victory will be Russia’s. That anxiety translated into concrete proposals: a cap on Russian military strength, reparations for the damage inflicted, and accountability for war crimes.

  • Cap the size of the Russian armed forces to reduce future invasion risk.
  • Require reparations and reparative mechanisms for civilian damage.
  • Establish robust war-crimes investigations with international oversight.

These are not small asks. They would reshape security architecture and force Europe — and the world — into uncomfortable but necessary conversations about enforcement and endurance.

From Munich to the Street: What People Are Saying

Outside the conference bubble, Munichians noticed the fraying threads of alliance rhetoric too. At a tiny bakery near Marienplatz, I spoke with a Ukrainian volunteer who had come to Munich to coordinate humanitarian shipments.

“Back home, people ask us: will Europe fight for our borders or for its principles?” she said, stirring her tea with a trembling hand. “The answer matters for my neighbours who have lost everything.”

A taxi driver, a man of few words and firmer opinions, offered a different lens. “We used to rely on one big friend across the ocean,” he said. “Now we are learning to sharpen our own knives. Better late than never.”

These small voices are the pulse under the diplomatic pronouncements — reminders that strategic decisions touch kitchens, schools and the quiet corners of refugee centers as much as they touch state budgets and military doctrine.

Rearming Europe: Urgency, Money, and Politics

There is momentum behind Europe’s call to rearm. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, European governments have increased defence spending and sped up procurement cycles. NATO’s 2% of GDP benchmark remains a lodestar for many member states, and new joint procurement mechanisms in the EU aim to reduce duplication and accelerate delivery of arms and ammunition.

But spending more is only part of the puzzle. Europe also needs higher-speed decision-making, interoperable systems, and resilient supply chains for munitions and critical components. That reality was echoed in private meetings between defence ministers over sausage platters and espresso rituals between panels.

“Money opens doors, but doctrine opens wars well,” a French policy adviser commented. “If we don’t coordinate, we’ll spend a lot and end up with incompatible systems.”

The Bigger Picture: Migration, Identity, and Global Compacts

Migration wove itself into every conversation like a shadow. Some U.S. remarks focused on migration as a civilisational threat — language that stokes political anxieties across Europe. Others at Munich warned against letting migration fears obscure the need for humane, practical policy frameworks.

Who gets to define “civilisation” and who gets to protect it? Ask a policymaker in Tallinn and they’ll speak strategy; ask a refugee in Warsaw and they will speak survival. Both answers matter.

As leaders posture about defence and borders, society-wide questions also bubble up: How do democracies remain open and resilient in the face of demographic shifts? How can defence investments be reconciled with social spending? How do we hold aggressors to account without sliding toward permanent militarisation?

Leaving Munich: Questions to Carry Home

When the conference lights dim and the delegates drift back to their capitals, the rhetoric will be remembered — but the real test will be policy and implementation. Will Europe translate this weekend’s resolve into sustained investment, shared procurement, and the political will to hold Moscow to account?

Here are a few questions worth taking home:

  1. Can Europe sustain increased defence spending without hollowing out social programs?
  2. Will transatlantic ties be reinforced by mutual respect or strained by divergent priorities?
  3. How can global institutions be empowered to ensure accountability and reparations for war crimes?

Munich felt like a crossroads: a place where old alliances were reaffirmed with caveats, where Europe claimed agency and where the world was reminded that security is as much about values as it is about firepower.

So, reader — what do you think? Should Europe step into a fuller role as guarantor of its own security, or will an enduring partnership with the United States always be the safer bet? The answers will shape a continent, and perhaps, the shape of this century.

Markabka Cağri Bey ee qodista Shidaalka oo ka soo ambabaxay dalka Turkiga

Feb 15(Jowhar)-Dalka Turkiga waxaa goordhow laga soo sagootiyey Markabka Cağri Bey oo ku soo wajahan Soomaaliya, kaas oo howlgal shidaal qodis ah ka sameyn doona xeebaha dalkeenna,

Xasan Sheekh:”Afrika Waa inay kursi joogta ah ku yeelataa Golaha Ammaanka”

Feb 15(Jowhar)-Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud ayaa ka qayb galay shir heer sare ah oo ku saabsanaa mustaqbalka Qaramada Midoobay, kaas oo ka qabsoomay magaalada Addis Ababa, kana mid ahaa kulan-doceedyada muhiimka ahaa ee Shir Madaxeedka Midowga Afrika.

Obama criticizes video shared by Trump on social media

Obama deplores lack of shame over racist Trump clip
Mr Obama responded to the video for the first time in an interview with left-wing political podcaster Brian Tyler Cohen released yesterday

The Moment a Political Joke Became a Mirror: What a Viral Clip Told Us About American Discourse

It was over in a blink: a single second slipped into a minute-long video, but that second did a great deal of heavy-lifting. The faces of Barack and Michelle Obama, two of the most internationally recognized figures of our era — the first Black president and first lady in American history — were briefly pasted onto the bodies of apes in a clip shared on former president Donald Trump’s social platform in early February.

The image lasted a heartbeat, but the conversation it forced was long. Across living rooms and newsrooms, on cable and in grocery-store lines, Americans circled the incident like people peering at the aftermath of a small but revealing storm. What felt new was not just the ugliness of the caricature; it was the casualness with which it was deployed, and the speed at which an entire political ecosystem shrugged, explained, or excused it.

How it unfolded

The clip appeared on Truth Social — a platform Mr. Trump launched after leaving the White House — and promoted a familiar and now-debunked chorus of claims about the 2020 election. Near the end of the minute-long montage, for roughly one second, the Obamas’ faces were superimposed on primate bodies. The post drew immediate condemnation from many quarters. But the White House response was a short, confused choreography: initial dismissal as “fake outrage,” then an acknowledgement that a staffer had posted the image in error, followed by removal of the clip.

For his part, Mr. Trump told reporters he “stood by the thrust” of the claims in the video but insisted he had not seen the offensive clip at the end. The distinction — “I support the message, but not the one-second image” — felt to many like an evaporating responsibility, a shrug from someone with the microphone.

An elder statesman’s rebuke

Barack Obama — who has largely remained above the fray since leaving the presidency — finally spoke about the episode in a conversation with podcaster Brian Tyler Cohen. He did not mince the emotional content. “The discourse has devolved into a level of cruelty that we haven’t seen before,” he said, a line that landed with the gravity of someone who watched his country and its institutions from inside the room.

He warned that the spectacle — the “clown show,” as he called on-air theatrics and social-media baiting — corrodes norms that once kept public debate tethered to a baseline of dignity and respect for office. “There doesn’t seem to be any shame,” he added, “among people who used to feel like you had to have some sense of propriety.”

Why this image mattered

This was not just politics; it tapped into a long, ugly seam of American history. Imagery that equates Black people with animals has been used for centuries to justify exclusion, ridicule, and violence. It’s a form of dehumanization whose echoes are still felt in schools and communities and in the criminal-justice statistics that shape daily life.

“When public figures deploy that kind of language or images, the effect ripples,” said Dr. Asha Patel, a scholar of race and media. “It doesn’t simply insult individuals — it normalizes contempt and makes it easier for discriminatory actions to be excused.”

On the street in Chicago, where Mr. Obama’s first political reawakening took root, a barista named Marcus shrugged and said, “I get politics gets dirty. But this? It’s lazy and mean. It’s trying to make people laugh at the expense of something that’s still hurting.” In small-town Davenport, Iowa, a retired teacher named Liza Hernandez told me she felt embarrassed for the nation. “We used to talk about restoring civility,” she said. “This feels like we’re practicing to be mean.”

Politics, optics, and the midterm question

Beyond the moral argument lies the practical one. Obama signaled the potential political fallout: behavior like this could boomerang on the party associated with it. “Ultimately, the answer is going to come from the American people,” he said, suggesting that voters will weigh not just policy but tone.

Political analysts agree that tone can shift turnout and persuasion. “We’re not talking about a minor gaffe,” said Jonah Weiss, a veteran pollster. “For swing voters and independents who already find today’s politics exhausting, repeated spectacles of disrespect may be enough to motivate them in one direction or another.”

And the marketplace of media attention is unforgiving. Images that are intentionally provocative are precisely the content that travels fastest online — whether through shares, outraged headlines, or late-night monologues. Platforms earn engagement when they allow incendiary content to persist. The question for regulators and the public becomes: where do we draw the line between free expression and a media ecosystem optimized for outrage?

Voices from the heartland and the coasts

It’s illuminating to listen to the variety of everyday reactions. A pastor in Atlanta, Rev. Joyce Carter, said the image “resonates with the memory of our grandparents who were ridiculed in ways that weren’t just online.”

By contrast, a small-business owner in Florida, Tom Alvarez, told me he found the media’s interest overblown. “Politicians have always mocked each other,” he said. “But what I want is someone who will run the town, not someone who can’t take the heat.”

Both voices speak to the larger divide: some see a moral line crossed, others a theater of politics in which anything goes. The tension is the country’s current weather.

What this moment tells us about our social media era

There are practical takeaways. Social platforms that propel political leaders’ messages unfiltered become a kind of public square — messy, immediate, and often cruel. Moderation policies are inconsistent. Users weaponize outrage. And powerful voices sometimes dodge accountability by blaming “staff errors” or claiming ignorance.

Experts say that rebuilding norms will require more than pleas from former presidents. It will require a mixture of platform responsibility, clearer political standards, and citizen scrutiny. “We need institutions that aren’t just reactive,” Dr. Patel said. “We need proactive systems that can keep discourse from funding contempt.”

Actionable steps readers can consider

  • Call out dehumanizing language when you see it, and explain why it’s harmful.
  • Support media literacy programs that help people spot manipulative imagery and false narratives.
  • Demand clearer enforcement from platforms that host inflammatory political content.

Closing thoughts: What kind of nation do we want to be?

This episode was small and large at once — a fleeting clip that shone a spotlight on a deeper erosion. It asked an old question with new urgency: how do democracies survive when public life is increasingly theatrical and unmoored from shared norms?

“I don’t know that we’re doomed,” Barack Obama said in a separate moment of reflection, returning to a more hopeful register. “What I do know is that if we’re going to repair this stuff, it’s going to take people willing to stand up for decency.”

So I ask you, reader: when the next one-second image flashes across your feed, will you scroll, retweet, or resist? What responsibility do we each bear for the atmosphere we share — online, in town halls, and at kitchen tables? The choices are daily, and the stakes, as that tiny clip reminded us, are very real.

Carney pledges support for a united Canada in Tumbler Ridge

Carney offers support of united Canada to Tumbler Ridge
Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney speaks to community members during a vigil for victims of a shooting in Tumbler Ridge

Under the Cold Light of a Candle: Tumbler Ridge Grieves

Snow hissed in the streetlights as a small, determined procession threaded its way toward the town hall of Tumbler Ridge — a mining town where houses wear winter like a second skin and hockey is as much civic ritual as pastime. Candles trembled in mittened hands. Mothers hugged close to children who had come because they could not bear to stay away.

Prime Minister Mark Carney arrived that evening and stood beside leaders from across the political aisle. He did not offer grand promises; he offered presence. “I know that nothing I can say will bring your children home,” he told the crowd in a voice that broke the hush, “I know that no words from me or anyone can fill the silence in your homes tonight, and I won’t pretend otherwise. We wanted you to hear that Canadians are with you, and we will always be with you.”

It was a simple statement, but simplicity is sometimes what steadies people when everything else feels fractured. His visit — shared with opposition leaders and local responders — read as a national embrace, a gesture that the small town’s grief would not be absorbed in silence.

The Night That Changed Everything

On a winter day earlier this week, a young person moved through two homes and a school and left a community raw. The 18-year-old shooter, identified by police as Jesse Van Rootselaar, killed her mother and younger brother in their home before walking to Tumbler Ridge Secondary School, where five students and a teacher were fatally shot. She then took her own life. In total, eight people were lost — children, a teacher, a parent — a number that matches no tally of value.

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police said the shootings were not targeted at specific individuals, describing the gunman’s actions as “hunting.” Investigators released a photo of Van Rootselaar and noted she had a history of mental-health issues. Her modest brown house — two overturned bicycles resting in the snowy front garden — was cordoned off by police tape; officers maintained a presence there as the town sought answers.

Faces Behind the Names

The victims’ names have been shared sparingly, each one a bullet-point in a larger human ledger. Twelve-year-old Ticaria, remembered by her mother Sarah Lampert as having “a beautiful, strong voice that was silenced,” is now described in the present tense by the people who loved her: “She is forever my baby.” Zoey Benoit, another 12-year-old lost in the shooting, was hailed by family as “resilient, vibrant, smart, caring and the strongest little girl you could meet.” Ezekiel, 13, is named in Facebook posts that read like a town’s shared obituary: friends posting photos, grandparents posting memories, people trying to stitch a life back together by retelling it.

These are not statistics to the townsfolk; they are kids who learned to skate on the same backyard rink, kids who crowded the stands at junior hockey games, kids who were being taught the reading, the jokes, the small rebellions of adolescence. The sense of proximity here amplifies the hurt. Tumbler Ridge has about 2,400 residents: close enough that loss ricochets door-to-door, kitchen-to-kitchen.

A Community’s Rituals of Comfort

Within hours of the killings, the town’s rhythms shifted toward care. Inside the community centre, volunteer coordinators mapped out meals, counselling, and logistical support. Outside, a vigil drew people from surrounding towns: a woman named Christine James drove 120 kilometres from Dawson Creek because “I just needed to be here.” A pastor, George Rowe, pledged, “This will not break us. I think we’re going to be OK,” words that were both belief and a promise to the people clustered around him.

Across the street, a makeshift memorial sprouted: hand-written notes pinned to a bulletin board, stuffed animals soaking snow, bouquets arranged into patient crescents on the snow-packed curb. Children still skated at the rink — not out of callousness, but because routines can be a salve, a way to hold up normal for a day at a time.

  • Eight people were killed, including five students and a teacher at the school, and two family members at a residence.
  • Tumbler Ridge is roughly 1,180 km north of Vancouver and home to around 2,400 people.
  • National leaders attended vigils and met with first-responders and health workers.

Questions That Won’t Go Quiet

When a town like Tumbler Ridge is scarred in this way, global questions gather at the edges: How do we keep our schools safe? How do smaller communities support mental health? What does prevention look like in places where everyone knows your name and yet some suffering goes unseen?

“We have to stop treating this as inevitable,” said a crisis counsellor who has worked in rural communities for two decades and who asked not to be named in order to speak candidly. “Smaller towns can be incredibly resilient, but they are also often underserved. Resources, early intervention, school-based mental-health supports — these are not luxuries, they are essentials.”

Canada’s record with gun violence is complex. Compared with its southern neighbour, the United States, Canada has far lower rates of gun homicides per capita, but it is not immune to mass-casualty events. Experts note that in recent years attention to community-based prevention, Indigenous mental-health services, and rural access to care must be part of the conversation — not only in the immediate aftermath but in the long tail of recovery.

The Long Work of Healing

Prime Minister Carney spent part of his visit meeting privately with first-responders, health workers and bereaved families. He described learning, once again, what had always defined Tumbler Ridge: “people caring for each other.” His words were small, but the unseen labor unfolding in the community is enormous: therapists wheel into the high school for sessions; volunteers coordinate meal trains; neighbours shovel driveways for families who cannot sleep.

Not all answers are policy prescriptions. Sometimes the work is simply this: to show up, to hold a candle, to deliver a casserole and hold hands with someone who is cold in more ways than one. “I made soup for a family on our street,” said an older woman at the vigil, her breath a white cloud. “It felt like the only thing I could do.”

What We Owe Each Other

As the vigil broke up and people wandered back through the slick streets to their homes, the town bore its losses into the night. For many readers far from northern British Columbia, Tumbler Ridge will be a name in a headline. For those who live there, it is the place where a daughter, a son, and a teacher once walked, laughed, learned.

What do we offer when a place like this carries the unthinkable? We offer presence. We offer sustained attention, not the flash of headlines and then distraction. We offer reforms shaped by science and compassion: better access to mental-health care, investment in emergency response in rural areas, school safety that does not render classrooms into fortresses. We offer to listen to the people who lived these lives, not speak for them.

And we ask ourselves: if a community this small can show up for each other in such fierce, palpable ways, what might it look like if the rest of us did the same — not just tonight, but tomorrow, and the day after that?

Jubaland oo bur-burisay 4 saldhig oo ay Shabaab ku lahaayeen duleedka Badhadhe

Feb 15(Jowhar)-Howlgal gaar ah oo uu hogaamiyay Agaasimaha Hay’adda Sirdoonka Iyo Nabadsugida Jubaland Maxamed Axmed Sabriye Basaam oo ka dhacay Howdka Fog ee Badda Madow, Deegaanka Lagta Hola-Wajeer, Degmada Badhaadhe, Gobolka Jubada Hoose oo lagu jabiyay Khawaariijta.

Palestine Action wins UK court challenge, protest ban still enforced

Palestine Action wins UK court challenge, ban remains
Protesters gathered outside the High Court in central London for the judgment

A crowd, a chant, and a judgment that refuses to be tidy

It was a grey morning in central London, the kind that drapes the city in a muted palette and sharpens the sound of voices. Outside the High Court, roughly a hundred people had gathered — students with worn backpacks, a grandmother clutching a thermos, a former serviceman wearing a flat cap — and their chorus rose and fell in waves: “Free Palestine.” When the court announced that Huda Ammori had won part of her legal challenge, the crowd cheered; when they learned the ban would remain in place for now, the cheer curdled into frustrated applause and determined chanting. It was protest, but also a ritual of defiance: communal, noisy, and full of questions.

“We came to be seen and to be heard,” said Fatima Khan, 28, who works as a nurse and travelled from east London. “This feels like the state telling us whose grief counts, and whose doesn’t. We can’t let them make our politics into a crime without answering.” Her voice shook, not from heat or cold, but from long-held indignation.

How we got here: a legal fight and a partial win

The story began in the summer, when the Home Office moved to proscribe Palestine Action under the Terrorism Act 2000. The ban — which came into effect on 5 July 2025 — made membership of, or support for, the direct-action group a criminal offence, carrying a maximum sentence of up to 14 years in prison. Within weeks and months, arrests followed. Government figures and defence counsel referenced more than 2,000 arrests linked to the proscription; on the first day of one hearing, police detained 143 people amid demonstrations.

Huda Ammori, a co-founder of the group, challenged that decision in the High Court, arguing the ban was heavy-handed, discriminatory and procedurally flawed. On the other side, the Home Office defended the proscription as a legitimate tool to protect national security and public order. The court’s answer was not simple: sitting with two other judges, Lady Justice Victoria Sharp said Ms Ammori had succeeded on two of the four legal grounds she raised, but she refused to lift the ban immediately. Instead, the order stays in place to allow the government time to assess and to appeal.

“I am disappointed by the court’s decision and disagree with the notion that banning this terrorist organisation is disproportionate,” said interior minister Shabana Mahmood in a swift reaction that left no ambiguity about the government’s next move. “Home secretaries must … retain the ability to take action to protect our national security and keep the public safe. I intend to fight this judgement in the Court of Appeal.”

Arguments, analogies, and the fight over civil disobedience

In court, the legal theatre was as much about precedent and principle as it was about one organisation. Barristers for Ms Ammori argued the proscription was alien to the traditions of common law and the protections of the European Convention on Human Rights. They described a broad sweep that swept up “priests, teachers, pensioners, retired British Army officers” — ordinary people whose support, they said, was symbolic rather than criminal.

“This is classic civil disobedience territory,” one defence counsel told the judges, invoking a history of protest that ranges from suffragettes to sit-ins to the refusal of segregation-era bus laws. “If we permit the state to criminalise mere expressions of alignment, we hollow out the right to contest unjust laws. Rosa Parks would be a criminal without conscience in the current formulation.”

Government lawyers countered with a different frame: the proscription is a proportionate step to stifle organisations whose tactics cross into activity the state must deter. “Proscription signals that such groups cannot rely on the oxygen of publicity or vocal and financial support,” their submissions said, adding that supporters may still protest lawfully without endorsing criminal conduct.

Lives caught in a legal net: arrests, authors, and unintended consequences

The practical fallout has been sharp. More than 2,000 arrests, legal representatives say, paints a picture of enforcement that blurs the line between quoted slogans and operational activity. That has real human consequences: people charged, futures potentially curtailed, and community relationships strained.

Then there is an unexpected cultural wrinkle. Novelist Sally Rooney — author of Normal People — provided evidence in support of the challenge after revealing plans to donate certain earnings to Palestine Action. She warned in written testimony that it was “unclear” whether companies could legally pay her under anti-terror laws, and that her ability to publish, produce or profit from new works in the UK could be “enormously restricted.” The suggestion that artistic life might be chilled by proscription lit up conversations among authors, publishers and free-speech advocates.

“When culture becomes collateral in a legal battle, we lose a space where ideas are tested and refined,” said Dr Laila Mansour, a political sociologist at a London university. “Artists don’t just make objects — they are part of civic debate. The risk is that proscription can shrink that debate into whispers.”

Voices from the street and the lecture hall

On the pavement outside the courthouse, a retired magistrate who has been named in court papers told me, softly and with a rueful chuckle, “I never expected to be on the wrong side of a law I once judged under.” An ex-army lieutenant, who requested anonymity, said he felt frustrated that people he considered principled civil disobedients were being labelled as criminals. “This isn’t about violence — it’s about moral pressure,” he said.

Not everyone shares that view. “When protests escalate into targeted sabotage or intimidation, the state has a duty to act,” argued a former counter-terrorism official. “Proscription is one of many tools in the toolbox. The question is whether it’s used with care — and whether the legal checks are sufficient.”

What this moment tells us about democracy and dissent

At stake is a larger civic question: how do liberal democracies balance the protection of public safety with the messy, sometimes uncomfortable business of political contestation? In a decade marked by intense polarisation over foreign policy, migration and identity, the lines between protest and criminality are increasingly litigated rather than debated. That shift has consequences beyond any single organisation.

Consider the facts on the table: a statutory framework (the Terrorism Act 2000) designed for a different era; a government anxious about tactics that might verge on illegality; protesters and artists warning of chilling effects; thousands of arrests and a chorus of public concern. Each of those facts is a prismatic fragment of a national argument.

What happens next — and what you might ask yourself

The government has said it will take this to the Court of Appeal. The legal fight will continue; the ban will, for now, remain. But the case has already raised durable questions: should support for a controversial political cause be equated to supporting a proscribed organisation? Where does civil disobedience end and criminality begin? And how do we preserve robust dissent without sacrificing safety?

As you read this, ask yourself: when the law narrows the space for public expression, who decides which voices are legitimate? And when state power expands to silence, what becomes of the very pluralism it claims to protect?

The High Court decision was neither a ceremonial victory nor a complete defeat. It was messy, contested and very much alive — a mirror held up to a society wrestling with the shape of its own freedoms.

Shir ku Saabsan Maaliyadda Cimilada Cagaaran oo Lagu Soo Gabagabeeyay Kigali

Feb 15(Jowhar)-Waxaa magaalada Kigali ee dalka Rwanda lagu soo gabagabeeyay shir muhiim ah oo ku saabsan  Cimilada Cagaaran iyo is dhaafsiga aqoonta iyo khibradaha hannnaanka Maaliyadda cimilada.

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