Amid the turmoil surrounding Ursula von der Leyen’s pursuit of a second term, she and the newly appointed European Commission secured a solid majority in Strasbourg on Wednesday: 370 votes in favor, 282 against, with 36 abstentions.
Nevertheless, the margin was lower compared to confirmations over the past several decades, with the political atmosphere in the chamber feeling particularly contentious.
This vote was for the new College as a whole.
Ms. von der Leyen received a clear endorsement in July to serve a second term as Commission President.
Ursula von der Leyen is seen with the newly elected College of Commissioners in Strasbourg.
As anticipated, Sinn Féin’s Lynn Boylan and Kathleen Funchion, along with Independent MEP Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan, opposed the new commission.
A surprising dissent came from Labour MEP Aodhán Ó Ríordáin, despite the Socialists and Democrats (S&D) largely supporting Ms. von der Leyen’s team to reinforce the pro-European center.
Mr. Ó Ríordáin expressed his initial support for the creation of a housing commissioner, believing that a no-fault eviction ban across the EU might be achieved over the next five years.
However, at the last moment, he chose to vote against it due to her handling of the Gaza conflict.
“Ursula von der Leyen exacerbated her Gaza issue by not mentioning it [in her speech],” remarked Mr. Ó Ríordáin.
He continued: “[Also], the dissatisfaction within the S&D group regarding her agreements with the far-right instead of the center was something I couldn’t accept.”
‘Playing petty politics’
Fianna Fáil’s Cynthia Ní Mhurchú promptly criticized the six (out of 14) Irish MEPs who either voted against the new commission or abstained, including Independent Ireland’s Ciarán Mullooly and Independent MEP Michael McNamara.
“All commissioners nominated by Member States underwent thorough confirmation hearings in the European Parliament, including Michael McGrath. They were endorsed by the European Parliament,” she stated.
She added: “To abstain now on the vote is playing petty politics at a time when Ireland requires an operational European Commission to tackle pressing issues for Irish agriculture, climate, competitiveness, and migration.”
Confirming a new commission has increasingly become a political affair.
Parliamentary hearings to interrogate nominees about their qualifications and to uncover hidden issues are not a mandated process in the Lisbon Treaty.
The founding Treaty of Rome does not mention the European Parliament (or Assembly, as it was previously known) having a role in this process.
It was only through the Maastricht and Amsterdam treaties that MEPs were granted a consultative role and then a formal confidence vote on the Commission President.
The Lisbon Treaty advanced this further, tying the outcomes of European elections to the entitlement of EU leaders to appoint a new Commission President (leaders now must “consider” the results of the elections when evaluating a presidential candidate).
Additionally, the candidate must now secure an absolute majority instead of a simple one; the Parliament also modified its own rules in 1994, gaining a greater voice.
“The European Parliament has seized every opportunity since then to assert its influence with each incoming Commission and effectively compelled change, especially concerning the distribution of portfolios and the composition of the College,” explains Sophia Russack, a researcher at the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS).
“While party politics have always played a significant role, the control exerted by (major) political parties and the targeting of political adversaries appear to have intensified.”
This has been evident to varying degrees throughout this approval process.
Tit-for-tat
Technically, MEPs cannot vote to block individual nominees; they can only reject the entire commission.
However, if a candidate faces overwhelming dissatisfaction, he or she typically withdraws.
Or there can be tit-for-tat: if a centre-right candidate is rejected, the centre-right will demand a centre-left sacrifice.
Ironically, on this occasion, no nominee had to withdraw, despite the toxic political climate following the June European elections.
Those elections resulted in a notable power shift to the right.
Currently, there are 111 MEPs from far-right parties, and 78 from the hard-right European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), adding up to a right-wing, Eurosceptic bloc of 189 MEPs.
In contrast, there exists a pro-European bloc of 454 MEPs (188 from the centre-right European People’s Party [EPP], 136 from the S&D, 77 from the Renew Group, and 53 Greens).
Ms. von der Leyen giving a speech to the EU Parliament during the presentation of the new Commissioners.
While a clear majority for the pro-European center persists, there has been considerable fragmentation due to Ms. von der Leyen’s EPP relying on the ECR for support on critical issues.
Critics contend that this has pulled her, and her party, further rightward, particularly regarding climate policies.
The EPP had previously assisted in diluting the Nature Restoration Law in the spring, and in September, Ms. von der Leyen, much to the ire of environmental groups, postponed for one year the deforestation regulation, which would restrict imports of coffee, cocoa, palm oil, and other products potentially linked to deforestation from third countries.
There have also been claims that Mercosur countries pressured the European Commission to delay the deforestation law as a condition for finalizing the EU-Mercosur trade deal before Christmas.
In late October, an unnamed commission official informed the environmental news outlet Ends Europe: “The deforestation regulation has been delayed by a year to allow all parties to prepare better so… it doesn’t appear likely to affect the chances of finalizing the [Mercosur] deal.”
The commission has assured that the delay was due to “various global partners expressing concerns about their preparedness,” and that “preparations among stakeholders in Europe are also uneven.”
‘Rotten trade deal’
Sinn Féin’s Lynn Boylan remains skeptical, believing the postponement was “partly” intended to facilitate the ratification of Mercosur.
“We know that Mercosur is a damaging trade deal that will inflict significant harm on people and the planet,” she commented.
“I have consistently urged the Irish Government to officially inform the European Commission of Ireland’s opposition to this deal and to create a blocking minority at the EU Council.”
Following the June elections, the Centre for European Reform (CER) forecasted that “the rise of far-right and populist right-wing parties will prompt the [EPP] to shift further right in hopes of reclaiming disenchanted voters. This trend is likely to be especially pronounced in the climate and environmental sectors.”
Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni seen with Ursula von der Leyen.
Not only that, Ms. von der Leyen has depended on Italy’s ECR prime minister Giorgia Meloni for support in securing her second term, promising to elevate Ms. Meloni’s candidate Raffaele Fitto to one of six executive vice president roles within the new commission.
This arrangement has drawn ire from many in the center-left, Renew, and Greens, who are appalled by the notion of a party with neo-fascist roots elevating a candidate to senior positions in EU policy making.
In reality, Mr. Fitto hails from the late Silvio Berlusconi’s center-right background and was considered a pragmatic and cooperative Europe minister in Ms. Meloni’s government.
However, that did not prevent the leader of the Greens, Bas Eickhout, from delivering a fervent condemnation of those who argued that Mr. Fitto was not genuinely far-right.
Raffaele Fitto during his confirmation hearing earlier this month.
“Tell that to the mothers in Italy whose rights to raise children together have been stripped away simply because they wish to cohabitate,” he asserted.
“Tell that to the judges who face government criticism for merely doing their jobs. Tell that to the journalists who increasingly encounter pressure merely for carrying out their duties independently.”
In September, the S&D party threatened to block Mr. Fitto’s nomination; the EPP retaliated by threatening to block Spain’s Teresa Ribera – the S&D candidate slated for the highest-ranking portfolio of the center-left – unless she returned to Madrid to be scrutinized over her management of the devastating Valencia floods.
‘Blank cheque’
Throughout this process, the traditionally Eurosceptic ECR has behaved reasonably by supporting 19 out of 20 Commissioners-designate during committee hearings, including Ireland’s Michael McGrath.
With the S&D bluff called, party president Iratxe García Pérez delivered a poignant message to Ms. von der Leyen just before the vote on Wednesday.
“We are not providing you a blank cheque,” she stated regarding her party’s conditional support for Ms. von der Leyen.
Ms. García Pérez further remarked: “European forces have established the EU since its inception, and we have an agreement. You must honor that agreement: remain faithful to your pro-European tradition and recommit to the pro-European majority.
“We will not accept you playing both sides. Building Europe cannot be accomplished with those who seek to dismantle it.”
Ms. von der Leyen argues that the rise of the far-right necessitates the EU to be in constant listening mode to engage citizens on climate objectives.
French farmers protesting against the Mercosur trade deal.
Her new work program is filled with pledges of dialogue with industry and citizens concerning climate goals, but many perceive this as blatant pandering to the far-right.
Following the postponement of the EU’s deforestation regulation, the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) called the action “shameful.”
Ms. von der Leyen’s EPP, as stated by Anke Schulmeister-Oldenhove, WWF’s Forests Policy Manager, has “aligned with extreme right-wing factions, prioritizing political posturing over climate action, and disregarding the appeals of European citizens and responsible businesses to protect our forests.”
There is scant evidence that the far-right, encouraged by the potential return of Donald Trump to the White House, will be satisfied with promises to slow the pace and intensity of Europe’s decarbonization efforts.
Yet, the EPP continues to be a pivotal force in European politics.
Currently, there are 14 EPP commissioners out of 27, including Ms. von der Leyen, while 13 member state governments, including Simon Harris and Michel Barnier in France, are led by the EPP.
Numerous officials and diplomats have indicated that Ms. von der Leyen has been meticulously vetting candidates for positions in the cabinets of the new commissioners, with officials linked to the EPP and Germany permeating the ranks.
The presence of considerable overlap in the new portfolios has fueled suspicions that the commission’s design intentionally provides Ms. von der Leyen with extra arbitration power.
Historic struggles
Citing the historic battles of Europeans to secure freedom and democracy, she foretold a challenging path ahead, given the impending second Trump administration, a more assertive China, conflicts threatening Europe’s borders in Ukraine and the Middle East, and the EU’s declining competitiveness compared to the US, China, and India.
“These freedoms will not be earned without cost,” she warned MEPs on Wednesday. “It will require making tough choices. It will necessitate substantial investments in our security and prosperity. Above all, it demands that we remain united and uphold our values.
“It is crucial to discover ways to collaborate with one another and overcome fragmentation. This is what I – and all 26 women and men alongside me – will endeavor to accomplish each day.”
A second Donald Trump presidency is among the challenges faced by the EU.
Fragmentation is undoubtedly a concern.
Spanish EPP members voted against Ms. von der Leyen due to their opposition to Teresa Ribera, while French and Belgian S&D MEPs also voted against her (neither the Greens nor the centrist Renew party showed unanimous support).
Consequently, only 54% of the chamber backed the new commission, contrasting with 47% who dismissed it. Ms. von der Leyen begins her second term with the narrowest parliamentary majority since 1993.
This reflects the increasing wedge of MEPs on the far-right (and far-left) who are ready to obstruct or impede European integration at a time when many governments (and citizens) feel it is more vital than ever.
Ms. von der Leyen is betting on navigating the ship by keeping the ECR close.
It may succeed, but the tempests stirred by Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, and a surge in migration will persist in battering the vessel.
