A verdict that reverberates: what the UN inquiry means for Gaza — and for all of us
There is a moment in conflict reporting when numbers stop being numbers. When the tally of dead, the strip of blackened roofs, the queue for water — when those things finally have faces. You can see it in the woman who has to give birth in a tent because the hospital has been reduced to a skeleton of concrete; in the father who refuses to bury his child until he can find a proper grave; in the child who counts aircraft like birds. That is the human texture behind the cold, legal language now being used by an independent UN commission: the word “genocide.”
In a report that is as blunt as it is consequential, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel — a body set up by the United Nations in May 2021 — concluded that Israel has committed and continues to commit acts that amount to genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. The finding has jolted diplomats, activists, and ordinary people around the world. But what does it mean on the ground, and what might it compel the international community to do?
How the commission reached its conclusion
The commission approached the question the way forensic investigators might — by assembling testimony, open-source material, clinical reports, satellite imagery, and media accounts, then testing those against the legal framework of the 1948 Genocide Convention. That convention outlines five acts that, if carried out with intent to destroy a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, may amount to genocide.
“This isn’t rhetorical flourish. It’s a structured legal analysis,” explained Professor Shane Darcy of the Irish Centre for Human Rights, who has followed the inquiry closely. “The commission took each element of the Convention and asked whether the evidence met the threshold. That’s painstaking, and it matters.”
Their judgement was not taken lightly. The inquiry examined the period from October 2023 onward and catalogued incidents and policies that, it says, fall into four of the Convention’s five genocidal acts: killings; causing serious bodily or mental harm; deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about a group’s physical destruction; and imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group.
To put that in concrete terms, the report points to mass and targeted killings, repeated attacks on hospitals and maternity wards, the destruction of water and sanitation systems, and the effective collapse of reproductive health services — including the partial or total destruction of fertility treatment facilities and the absence of adequate obstetric care. The commission cites a dramatic rise in miscarriages and the repeated necessity for women to give birth in unsafe, makeshift environs.
Evidence, witnesses and the limits of words
The commission relied heavily on eyewitness testimony — from doctors describing operating theatres without power, to families recounting the loss of entire branches of their kin. “We listened to survivors, medical personnel, and legal experts,” said a member of the inquiry in a briefing. “We cross-referenced accounts. We mapped damage. And then we measured that mapping against the Convention.”
That process is, crucially, different from political advocacy. It aims to reach a legal assessment that can be used by courts, by states, and by other institutions. But, as Professor Darcy and other legal scholars stress, such reports cannot, by themselves, stop a conflict. They are instruments intended to shape what happens next — prosecutions, sanctions, or shifts in foreign policy.
Voices from Gaza — the local color behind the findings
Walk the streets of Gaza City and the language of loss is everywhere: the call to prayer echoing against flattened facades, the smell of cooking fumes from communal kitchens supplying families displaced time and again, the children who recite names instead of grades. “When they flattened the clinic, my neighbour had to deliver her baby on a rug in the dark,” said Noor al-Saleh, a nurse who has worked at makeshift aid stations across northern Gaza. “We are still here, but we are not surviving in any meaningful sense.”
Mohammed, a father of four from Khan Younis, counted through his palms. “We had three houses in our family,” he said. “Now there is one left, half a floor. The children draw planes on the walls and then they draw nowhere else to go.” His voice was small, deliberately so; curfews and fear of surveillance hang over everyday speech.
Those personal accounts are woven into the commission’s record. And while survivors’ stories animate the report, the text deliberately frames them in terms that can meet judicial scrutiny: dates, locations, types of injuries, chains of command.
Legal fallout and the obligations of other states
One of the report’s sharpest edges is not only its finding about acts committed, but its reminder of what international law requires from other countries. States are obliged to prevent and to punish genocide. That means — in theory — withholding assistance that would facilitate genocidal acts, investigating suspected perpetrators, cooperating with judicial bodies like the International Criminal Court, and using political and diplomatic levers to halt the conduct in question.
“There is an obligation to act,” said Dr. Amina Haddad, an international humanitarian law scholar. “Prevention is as critical as prosecution. States that continue to export the weapons used in offensive operations or to provide logistical support may find themselves complicit if they do not exercise due diligence.”
The commission’s report points specifically at arms supplies and calls for sanctions and investigations, framing these as standard enforcement tools under international law — tools used in other crises but not fully applied in this one.
Will this change anything on the ground?
If you are in Gaza today, this new report can feel distant from your immediate needs: clean water, safe shelters, hospitals that function. And that disconnect is stark. Even the most authoritative findings do not, by themselves, stop bullets or bring electricity back on.
“Reports change the conversation,” Professor Darcy told RTÉ, “but they don’t change the actions of a combatant overnight. For that, you need political will from other states.”
That political will is patchy at best. Some nations have signalled greater scrutiny, others have doubled down on support; humanitarian agencies struggle with access and funding. Meanwhile, millions of civilians remain trapped in conditions the commission deems life-threatening. UN agencies and human rights groups estimate that Gaza — a territory of roughly 2.3 million people — has seen tens of thousands killed and hundreds of thousands displaced since October 2023, with entire neighborhoods erased and basic services decimated.
Why this matters to you
Genocide is a legal term with moral weight. When a UN body uses it, the world is asked to pay attention. The report is not designed to satisfy any political constituency; it is designed to compel action under universal law. That raises uncomfortable questions for citizens everywhere: What does our government do when a partner or ally is accused of such crimes? What do we do as individuals when world institutions declare an obligation to prevent and we feel powerless?
Ask yourself: if a body borne of international law says there are grounds for genocide, what should your country do next? Pressure? Sanctions? An alliance to demand access for independent investigators? These are not merely diplomatic puzzles — they are moral decisions about the limits of tolerance for mass human suffering.
Where we go from here
The commission’s finding should be the beginning of a new phase, not the end of conversation. It must be met with measured, lawful responses: rigorous investigations, accountability for alleged perpetrators, protection for civilians, and an urgent, scaled-up humanitarian effort to address the immediate needs in Gaza.
But beyond the legal instruments and the diplomatic choreography, there is the human work: rebuilding health systems, ensuring children can go to school without fear, listening to survivors, and centring their dignity in any response. “We can argue about definitions,” Noor said, looking out over a ruined street, “but when my neighbour cannot find a midwife and a baby dies, the word is only so important. What matters is stopping the next person from dying.”
Reports can point, indict, demand. Yet for many, the crucial question remains: will the world act in time? Or will the verdict be another parchment in a stack of warnings that came too late?
