China ends tax exemption for contraceptives, raising birth-control drug prices

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China removes tax exemption on contraceptive drugs
China is seeking to increase birth rates (Stock image)

When Birth Control Gets Taxed: A New Chapter in China’s Demographic Story

On a cold morning in early January, a woman in a neighborhood pharmacy in Guangzhou reached for a familiar pale box of contraceptive pills and paused. The price printed on the shelf tag had a new number next to it — now carrying the full 13% value-added tax. “I used to buy these by habit; now it feels like I have to think twice,” she said, tucking the box back into the plastic bin and stepping outside into the bustle of a city that feels, at times, impatient with itself.

From 1 January 2026, Beijing lifted a three-decade-old VAT exemption on contraceptive drugs and devices. Condoms, oral contraceptives, and other family planning items are now subject to the standard 13% consumer tax. It is a small-sounding administrative shift, but it lands with a thud against the backdrop of a nation urgently rethinking family, fertility and the future of its workforce.

Why a tax change matters

On paper, the move is mundanely fiscal: harmonize tax rules, close a legacy exemption. In practice, it arrives amid a cascade of policies Beijing has rolled out to confront plummeting birth rates — from income tax relief on childcare subsidies to a newly minted annual childcare allowance, and even directives urging universities to teach “love education” that frames marriage and family in a positive light.

“This isn’t merely an economic adjustment,” said Dr. Li Ming, a demographer at a national research institute. “It’s a policy signal. The government is pivoting, and sometimes these pivots are contradictory. On the one hand, they offer subsidies. On the other, they make contraception more expensive. That mix creates confusion for ordinary families.”

Population contours: a nation in demographic retreat

For decades, China’s demographic landscape has been shaped by the one-child policy, introduced in 1980 and relaxed only in 2015. Rapid urbanization, soaring housing and education costs, and job market uncertainty have compounded the decline. Official counts show the country’s population fell for a third consecutive year in 2024; many experts expect the downturn to continue for years.

Fertility in China has long been well below the replacement rate of 2.1 children per woman — estimates in recent years place total fertility near or under the low-1s, depending on which surveys you consult. The result is an aging society with fewer young workers coming up behind retirees, raising alarms about future economic growth, pension funding, and long-term care needs.

On the ground: choices, pressures, and quiet anxieties

Ask twenty-somethings in a teahouse in Chengdu and you’ll hear a chorus of practical concerns: sky-high real estate prices, cramped apartments, the long leash of grandparents who still shoulder childcare, and careers that demand total devotion. “I love children,” said Zhang Wei, a software engineer. “But between our mortgage and my girlfriend’s late-night shifts, having one child feels like a luxury.”

In smaller cities and rural towns, the calculus is different but no less stark. Younger adults often migrate to big cities for work, leaving behind aging parents and fractured family networks. For many couples, the cost of childcare and quality education — often perceived as decisive for upward mobility — is the hardest barrier.

Policy: nudges, subsidies and the rhetoric of romance

Over the past 18 months, Beijing has tried a spectrum of interventions. Childcare subsidies were exempted from personal income tax; an annual childcare stipend was announced; and at the recent Central Economic Work Conference, leaders pledged to promote “positive marriage and childbearing attitudes.” There are even guidelines nudging institutions to infuse romance and family values into campus life.

“You can’t legislate love or compel people to feel ready for parenthood by broadcasting slogans,” said Professor Mei Huang, a sociologist who studies family policy. “But policy does shape incentives. If the economic and social environment doesn’t make parenting manageable and desirable, rhetoric alone won’t move the needle.”

Small tax changes, big symbolism

That symbolism is part of what makes the VAT decision so resonant. A 13% tax on contraception is modest in absolute terms, but it sends a message about priorities and trade-offs. To some activists and reproductive-health advocates, the change raises concerns about access and equity. “Taxes on contraceptives can disproportionately affect younger people and low-income women,” said Liu Fang, director of a reproductive health NGO. “It risks reversing gains in reproductive autonomy.”

Others read it differently. “Perhaps the removal of the exemption was accidental or driven by revenue needs,” one local policymaker mused. “But optics matter. When the state is simultaneously asking citizens to have more children and making birth-control products pricier, the story becomes messy.”

A global mirror: China’s trend in context

China is not alone. Across East Asia and Southern Europe, nations confront below-replacement fertility: Japan and South Korea have grappled with long-term population decline for years; Italy and Spain face similar dilemmas in Europe. The common themes are familiar — high living costs, changing gender roles, and a generational shift away from marriage and parenthood as default life paths.

Those dynamics intersect with China’s unique institutional history: a long-standing centralized family-planning regime, rapid urban migration, and a sprawling, uneven social-security system that pressures families to shoulder retirement care. The result is a policy puzzle: how do you create conditions where people want to have children and can afford to raise them?

What happens next?

There’s no single lever that will reverse demographic decline overnight. Economists and demographers suggest a suite of measures: more affordable housing, expanded and high-quality childcare, flexible work policies, stronger pensions to ease the family-care burden, and targeted support for young families. Many of these require sustained fiscal commitment and cultural change.

“Short-term fixes are seductive,” Dr. Li said. “But durable recovery in fertility requires reshaping the economic, social and gendered structures that make childrearing so costly and uncertain.”

Questions to sit with

What does it mean for a society when the instruments of birth control are suddenly taxed at the same moment the state asks for more births? How do we balance public budgets with reproductive rights and the everyday decisions of young adults? And perhaps most pressing: in a rapidly aging world, what collective commitments are we willing to make to ensure that both the old and the young can thrive?

Walking past the pharmacy, the woman from Guangzhou smiled wryly and said, “Maybe they should make diapers cheaper instead.” It was a practical wish — and also, quietly, a reminder that fertility policy cannot be divorced from the granular, lived realities of raising a child here and now.

  • What Beijing has done recently: removed VAT exemption on contraceptives (13% VAT), exempted childcare subsidies from personal income tax, introduced annual childcare subsidies, and encouraged institutions to promote family-friendly values.
  • Structural pressures: decades of the one-child policy (1980–2015), rapid urbanization, high housing and education costs, job insecurity, and cultural shifts among younger generations.
  • Broader context: China’s population fell for a third consecutive year in 2024 and fertility rates remain well below the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman.

Policy, in the end, is both material and symbolic. As China takes its next steps, the choices it makes about taxes, childcare, housing and work will shape not only demographic statistics but the quiet architecture of everyday life — whether people feel they can build families, or must keep putting those plans on hold.